In December 2020, then-President-elect Joe Biden told Americans that he did not think vaccines should be mandatory. Since then, he’s changed his tune.

Just last month, he directed the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) to issue an emergency order for employers to develop and implement COVID-19 vaccine requirements. Some state and local governments have issued their own mandates. Many businesses have not only imposed requirements on their employees, but now require vaccines of their customers.

To prevent this madness, and the growing contempt for others it engenders, I introduced the Vaccine Passport Prevention Act. In the meantime, courageous Republican governors like Greg Gianforte of Montana and Greg Abbott of Texas have banned vaccine passports and certain vaccine requirements. Unfortunately, the rhetoric has become increasingly divisive, marginalizing the concerns of people who are skeptical about receiving a coronavirus vaccine.

Recently, a constituent asked about vaccine hesitancy: "If (they) are safe and effective, why shouldn't (they) be mandated like many other vaccines?" Many people who support vaccines, and have taken them, oppose mandates, but why are so many opposed right now?

Here are several of the most common objections shared with me.

Natural Immunity. The question of natural immunity accounts for a significant portion of objections. Normally, recovering from a communicable disease is recognized as imparting immunity. No vaccine required. Multiple studies, including this one from Israel (https://www.science.org/content/article/having-sars-cov-2-once-confers-much-greater-immunity-vaccine-vaccination-remains-vital), show that recovering from COVID-19 confers measurable protection against serious infection.

This past May, the Department of Treasury issued their General Explanations of the Administration’s Fiscal Year 2022 Revenue Proposals which contained new Biden Administration policy proposals aimed at furthering Biden’s tax--spend-inflate agenda. While excessive spending and an ongoing tug-of-war over the tax code has become routine, one Internal Revenue Service reporting proposal was truly jaw-dropping.

Treasury’s proposed comprehensive financial account information reporting regime may sound benign, but this proposal would mandate financial institutions report gross inflows and outflows over merely $600 (not a typo) to the IRS. These reports would contain a breakdown of physical cash, transactions with a foreign account, and transfers to and from another account with the same owner. Further, this reporting mandate would apply to all business and personal accounts held at these financial institutions.

Fortunately, Congress did not include this proposal in the Democrats’ $3.5 trillion-dollar reconciliation package this week. Thus, the U.S. was able to successfully dodge a bullet—this time. However, it should nonetheless be troubling to anyone who values financial privacy that we have even gotten to this point. It’s incredible that a presidential administration would even suggest implementing a regulatory regime that would report any “inflows or outflows” in nearly all bank accounts that would be instantly reported to the federal government.

Such a proposal should never see the light of day.

Nevertheless, Treasury claims that such reporting would close the tax gap with business income, saying that “revenue loss is driven primarily by the lack of comprehensive information reporting and the resulting difficulty identifying noncompliance outside of an audit.” Despite the lack of supporting evidence, it appears that Treasury is content with implementing a heavy-handed approach destroying what little is left of financial privacy.

It’s ironic that such a proposal would come from an administration that professes a desire to address the unbanked, underbanked, and underserved communities. When one-third of unbanked households (over 2 million households) currently state that their reason for not having a bank account is because they do not trust banks, this further erosion of financial privacy will only make the problem worse. It seems clear that Treasury does not care about Americans’ financial privacy nor do they understand a fundamental issue underlying the unbanked epidemic in the U.S.

Are these and other Americans justified in not trusting the IRS with their financial information? Being only six years removed from 700,000 Americans having their taxpayer accounts hacked, and considering there are currently 1.4 billion attempted cyberattacks against the IRS each year, Americans’ concerns are more than justified. It would be gross negligence to hand over an abundance of unnecessary personal data to an institution that is both a prime target for hackers, and is inadequately prepared to secure such information.

In addition to consumer-side privacy issues, financial institutions would also be tasked with overburdening and extensive reporting requirements. These very same institutions that proved to be invaluable components of our economy at the onset of COVID-19 would have been strong-armed into ramping up their compliance departments just to hand over more sensitive personal information to the IRS. While technically these are private actors, such a requirement would have made every financial institution a de facto arm of the government. It’s already worrying enough that these same financial institutions must comply with the over-intrusive and problematic Bank Secrecy Act. Adding this new layer of tax reporting compliance would have been an unimaginable expansion of the financial surveillance state.

Fortunately, Republicans harmoniously voiced their opposition to this proposal while it was under consideration. This month, prior to the reconciliation text being released, I was happy to join my Republican colleagues in sending a letter directed to Speaker Pelosi, Ways and Means Chairman Neal, IRS Commissioner Rettig, and Treasury Secretary Yellen outlining our concerns about the impact such a reporting requirement would have on Americans and financial institutions. I was glad to see that the proposal was not included in the drafted tax legislation this week, however I suspect that such a proposal will not go away overnight given this Administration’s tendency to advocate for an empowered surveillance-state.

It’s evident that Biden’s agenda has no bounds when it comes on intruding against our personal liberties and hurting our financial institutions. Regardless of one’s political affiliation, this is a proposal that should give us pause. Should this surveillance regime had been implemented, what would’ve been next? Beyond destroying the value of the dollar with runaway inflation, will the federal government continue to consider filtering bank transactions? Or allow credit for only those whose transactions fit with the Administration’s priorities?

We can’t let it come to that. This isn’t China. We need to stop these surveillance proposals and focus on preserving the liberties that have made this country great

Twenty years ago, America changed. On the morning of Tuesday, September 11, 2001, I was at work at my manufacturing business in Ohio when an unprovoked terrorist attack shocked the nation and galvanized Americans of all stripes. The response was, thankfully, visceral. 

Few people recall that al Qaeda was already a known threat on 9/11. They bombed America’s embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in August 1998 – while I was serving in the 75th Ranger Regiment. We were convinced we would be departing swiftly to deal a decisively fatal blow to al Qaeda in response. Unfortunately, President Bill Clinton chose not to attack them directly – one of several factors that influenced my decision to leave the Army.

In 2000, President George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency primarily on domestic issues—particularly education. That day, President Bush, was reading to school children in Florida when he was called away to reckon with a nation that suddenly recognized we were at war. Within a week, Congress authorized the use of military force in Afghanistan, the nation harboring Usama Bin Laden. 

Twenty years ago, America changed. On the morning of Tuesday, September 11, 2001, I was at work at my manufacturing business in Ohio when an unprovoked terrorist attack shocked the nation and galvanized Americans of all stripes. The response was, thankfully, visceral. 

Few people recall that al Qaeda was already a known threat on 9/11. They bombed America’s embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in August 1998 – while I was serving in the 75th Ranger Regiment. We were convinced we would be departing swiftly to deal a decisively fatal blow to al Qaeda in response. Unfortunately, President Bill Clinton chose not to attack them directly – one of several factors that influenced my decision to leave the Army.

In 2000, President George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency primarily on domestic issues—particularly education. That day, President Bush, was reading to school children in Florida when he was called away to reckon with a nation that suddenly recognized we were at war. Within a week, Congress authorized the use of military force in Afghanistan, the nation harboring Osama Bin Laden. 

Twenty years after the attack, and more than ten years after 9/11 mastermind Osama Bin Laden was brought to justice, our troops have left Afghanistan. Once again, it is in the hands of the Taliban.

September 11, 2001 saw 2,977 killed at the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and in Shanksville, Pa. An entire generation of Americans became embroiled in a War on Terror that they could no longer ignore. In the conflicts that followed, we lost over 2,500 Americans in Afghanistan and over 4,000 more in Iraq.

That deceptively articulated change in mission proved far less effective than a narrow focus on eliminating terrorist sanctuaries – not to mention the far greater cost  in lives, injuries, and treasure.

Somewhere between invading Afghanistan and pivoting to Iraq, someone changed the mission. Our military makes hard jobs look easy every day. And so, the Bush hoisted a new assignment upon them: nation building. 

That deceptively articulated change in mission proved far less effective than a narrow focus on eliminating terrorist sanctuaries – not to mention the far greater cost  in lives, injuries, and treasure.

Twenty years after the attack, and more than ten years after 9/11 mastermind Osama Bin Laden was brought to justice, our troops have left Afghanistan. Once again, it is in the hands of the Taliban.

September 11, 2001 saw 2,977 killed at the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and in Shanksville, Pa. An entire generation of Americans became embroiled in a War on Terror that they could no longer ignore. In the conflicts that followed, we lost over 2,500 Americans in Afghanistan and over 4,000 more in Iraq.

Immediately after 9/11, Congress seemingly surrendered its power over war—or more charitably—forgot to guard its war powers jealously from executive overreach. The 2001 authorization for use of military force (AUMF) made sense at a time of national crisis, but the language of the authorization remains in effect and has been tortured to apply not only in Afghanistan, but also to individuals, governments, and groups globally.

Some of these groups and individuals didn’t harbor hostility against America—or even exist—in 2001. In retrospect, grief and anger clouded Congress’s judgement. A bipartisan group of lawmakers and I are still trying to have this blanket authorization revoked so that Congress can reclaim its constitutional duty to declare our nation’s wars – and provide the accountability to ensure these wars are strategically fought and decisively won.

Afghanistan should make clear that Congress needs to provide clear, concise, and achievable mission statements and provide assertive oversight to ensure that whenever a war is declared, that America as a nation is at war—not just our military. 

"Great nations don’t fight endless wars." However, they do decisively win them. 

As I learned in the Army, at West Point, and in business, failure must be met with accountability. The War on Terror has certainly not ended. It must still be won. And it must be waged differently.

One enduring casualty from America’s reaction to 9/11 has been an erosion of the right to privacy, protected by the Third and Fourth Amendments to the Constitution. The PATRIOT Act empowered the intelligence community to spy on American citizens without first obtaining a warrant. The law had near-unanimous backing in the Senate (98-1) and strong bipartisan support in the House (357-66). Privacy advocates at the time raised the alarm, but fear and the sense that 9/11 could have been prevented drowned out the objectors for simply defending the Constitution. 

As Bin Laden accurately predicted, 9/11 also cost America’s government any sense of fiscal responsibility. The scale of the attack, Americans’ horror at watching the Twin Towers collapse on live television, and the national resolve to prevent it from happening again unified lawmakers and Americans. That unity swiftly eroded as the nation’s leaders committed essentially unlimited resources to nation-building in Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere. 

By 2004, Vice President Dick Cheney even said, "Reagan proved deficits don’t matter." Of course, Reagan did no such thing; he proved America can take on debt to win a focused war—in his case against the Soviet Union. Since 9/11, American deficits have exploded with seemingly unrestrained foreign and domestic spending. Bankrupt nations are hard to secure.

On the evening of 9/11, during his address from the White House, President Bush promised that the terrorists would not succeed in disrupting the American way of life. Government employees would return to work the next day and businesses would reopen. The light of American freedom would not be dimmed because of these attacks. 

Unfortunately, some of our fellow Americans continue to chip away at the freedoms that make America unique among all nations. Congress and multiple presidents have failed to correct the emotional decisions made after 9/11. 

Today, as we observe 20 years since the 9/11 terror attacks, I’m calling on my colleagues to revoke the 2001 AUMF, restore Third and Fourth Amendment privacy protections to Americans, and curb runaway federal spending. 

Truly winning the war on terror isn’t just an elusive absence of war, but the restoration of our way of life. 

We owe it to those who have borne the burdens of battle, and to all future Americans, to defend freedom as we remain vigilant against all enemies—foreign and domestic. 

Loyalty, duty, respect, honor, selfless-service, integrity, courage: These are the values that every soldier comes to understand through Basic Training. New recruits don’t just learn these values. They come to live by them. It’s something those who serve today share with the veterans who came before them and will surely share with the generation after us. They aren’t simply advice for living well. They are virtues that prepare soldiers for their mission: defending the United States of America and our way of life from all enemies, foreign or domestic.

Ingrained in these virtues, honor, in particular, is a quality we impart to soldiers. We ask and expect soldiers to make great sacrifices, knowing that the preservation of the Republic can be a cause greater than one’s own self. The underlying premise of this training is as simple as it is profound: There is no greater love than to lay down one’s life for one’s friends – especially in defense of our great country.

It’s no small thing. And it’s the reason we set aside this last Monday in May.

As a history student at West Point, I spent four years reflecting on those who came before me. My professors remarked that studying history at West Point is different because the history they teach is often shaped by students they taught. The expectation hung in the air: the current class was expected to continue this story.

Knowing this, it’s impossible for soldiers to escape the sense of history and duty in day-to-day life in the military. The bases they’re stationed on, the names of the ships that transport them, and the equipment they use bear the names of heroes, units, and battles that have shaped the history of our nation. Often, these stories are written in blood.

Today, I hope civilians will familiarize themselves with these stories. History books and old war movies are a start, but now that the country is opening again, consider attending a local observance and hearing the stories from those who served alongside patriots who made the ultimate sacrifice. Walk to smaller cemeteries and local memorials and read the names of individuals who died for a country they loved.

President John F. Kennedy had the right idea when he said, “As we express our gratitude, we must never forget that the highest appreciation is not to utter words but to live by them.” My hope is that as Americans spend Memorial Day honoring the fallen, they will be inspired by them, and come to love this country and their fellow Americans with as much dedication as the men and women we honor on Memorial Day.

We are granted the opportunity every year on Memorial Day to do as President Kennedy has said. I urge everyone to take this holiday to reflect on the blessings we enjoy as Americans. Thank our nation’s fallen defenders by cherishing your blessings and finding a way to advance the cause of freedom in your community.

Americans have become accustomed to a health care system that deprives them the most basic information related to the cost of their medical care. Think about the last time you shopped for health insurance. You probably considered the differences between PPOs and HMOs, the network, the deductibles, and the ancillary costs like imaging or lab work. Maybe you considered a plan with a flexible spending account or health savings account. But it’s almost guaranteed that you were unable to actually compare prices of basic services and preventative medicine across insurance plans; as a rule, hospitals and doctors’ offices don’t share them.

Even after the fact, when patients receive an Explanation of Benefits (EOB), the real price is not clear to anyone. For example, one recent procedure had a list price of nearly $10,000, but the covered price for in-network care, based on my insurance company’s pre-negotiated rate for that service, was less than $1,000. For a small business paying for the exact same procedure for an employee, the price may have been $5,000. For a large employer, maybe $1,500. For someone paying cash, they’ve unwittingly entered into a negotiation based on their ability to pay. All of these scenarios are possible, but at no point can a patient discover the actual cash amount the hospital accepted for payment.

President Trump identified part of the problem when he issued his executive order requiring hospitals to publish prices for “shoppable” medical procedures. This move drew immediate outcry from the health care industrial complex. But we should ask ourselves why hospitals and health insurers regard price transparency as such a threat.

Making the cost of medical procedures transparent restores a feature of consumer markets to health care by reinstating price signals and leveling the playing field for new market participants. To start adding market functionality to Americans’ health care, I introduced the Health Care Price Transparency Act. This legislation, which was also introduced in the Senate by Sen. Mike Braun (R-Ind.), will take a page from President Trump’s book and require hospitals to publish prices for some 300 medical procedures online.

While it’s possible that patients might use this information to make informed decisions about where to have a joint replacement surgery, publishing prices puts pressure on the market for health insurance by making the cost of entry clear to newcomers.

Health insurers and medical providers enjoy a cozy relationship. They negotiate prices behind closed doors, and instead of charging consistent prices, patients pay different rates for the same services, depending on their insurance plan and deductible. Not only is this an unfair practice in any other consumer market, it creates distrust of doctors and health insurers. It ends up incentivizing people to avoid seeking medical attention altogether, possibly delaying lifesaving treatment — all because they are afraid of being hit with large and unpredictable bills.

Regulators too, have made it very difficult to enter the market to provide alternatives to the status quo. This is evidenced by the fact that earlier this year three of America’s most visible companies — JP Morgan Chase, Amazon, and Berkshire Hathaway — walked away from their joint venture, Haven, to disrupt the health care system. Despite the size and success of the companies involved, after three years, the collaboration produced some small-scale experiments, but not the large disruption that health insurers feared — and that Americans have longed for.

At the end of the day, American patients are least heard by insurers and most affected by the broken status quo. Unlike other reform proposals, this price discovery requirement offers a light-touch approach to reforming health care that will make it easier for new insurers or businesses to enter the market by enabling competitive price negotiations that are currently not possible.

Our health care system needs price competitiveness to give patients the best quality care at the lowest prices — or to at least allow us all to assess how price and quality are related. Price discovery works in every other sector of the economy and there’s no reason why we can’t embrace the power of the market to improve health care for Americans. I hope that my bill can serve as a starting point to unite Democrats and Republicans to force hospitals and health insurers to move away from “business as usual” and start making changes that restores Americans’ trust that their health care providers are prioritizing affordability and transparency for patients.

This opinion piece appeared in The Hill.

Economists John Greenwood and Steve H. Hanke ably sound the alarm in “The Money Boom Is Already Here” (op-ed, Feb. 22). Too many have looked away as the Federal Reserve prints dollars by another name: quantitative easing. While the authors rightly describe the profound implications of the massive surge in M2 from the money that has already been spent, they neglected to mention the implications for the pending $1.9 trillion in Covid spending that President Biden and many at Treasury and the Fed have requested. Follow their logic and understand the profoundly bad implications of an additional $2 trillion on top of the $4 trillion in prior Covid-rationalized spending.
Activist investors unleashed chaos on Wall Street this week, nearly bankrupting hedge funds, juicing the stock prices of fading companies, and most importantly, exposing the two-tiered system of finance.

In broad daylight, some of the most recognizable online brokerages showed the world that they believe in a free market only in theory. Robinhood, the app that democratized retail investing by letting users make commission-free trades, provides the richest irony. Now that main street America can aggregate market information and has the power to short stocks and buy options, the very firms that opened the stock market to millions have had a change of heart.
Chinese President Xi Jinping is hoping Americans are happy idiots, willing to look past decades of Chinese economic malpractice and a crushing pandemic the Chinese Communist Party unleashed on the world in the name of global congeniality.

To avoid so-called “confrontation,” Xi urged President Joe Biden’s administration Monday to reverse the Trump administration’s economic restrictions on China and forgo its plans to build a Western coalition to push back on Beijing.
In November, more Americans than ever before exercised their right to vote, participating in the civic sacrament of choosing their next President of the United States. Record-breaking turnout is cause for celebration. America is stronger when citizens make their voices heard by voting. The constitutional culmination of the 2020 presidential election is Wednesday, when the House of Representatives and the Senate meet in a joint session of Congress to certify the results of the Electoral College.

The Constitution promises Americans equal protection under the law and the right to elect their representatives. This principle is usually summed up as "one person, one vote," and it stems from a long history of balancing the sovereignty of states as a check against the federal government and vice versa. So, at Wednesday's joint session, in accordance with the 12th Amendment, I will join representatives and senators who object to seating electors from several states.
The last thing the public needed this year was more political brinkmanship. In 2020, governments asked the public to stop working, traveling, gathering, and “just stay home.” The goal was to “stop the spread” or “flatten the curve.” The result is millions of lost jobs, thousands of delayed medical procedures, and diminished educational attainment for America’s students. Now, on top of all this, Speaker Nancy Pelosi is steering Congress toward a disruptive government shutdown.

To be clear, Congress had all year to hammer out an agreement on appropriating money for congressionally funded government operations. In a perfect world, Congress would vote on the various department appropriations one by one before Sept. 30, and then, work would begin on the next year’s spending. This would avoid the now-annual tradition of releasing thousand-page “omnibus” packages just days before the government runs out of money. Methodically negotiating and voting on each appropriation would allow members of Congress to address narrower issues in certain areas where Congress spends our hard-earned taxpayer dollars.